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Written by Pedro Santinho in Sumaré, Sao Paulo
Thursday, 11 March 2010
Flaskô is the last
surviving factory of the Occupied Factories Movement of Brazil, after
the heavy police intervention put an end to the almost five-year
occupation at Cipla and Interfibra. The workforce has been demanding
that the Lula government nationalises the plant, but with no serious
reply. But recently Lula took up the question in the press. Here is the
reply of the Flaskô workers.
Editor’ Note:
Brazil witnessed a wave of factory occupations in recent years
that produced the Movement of Occupied Factories, a glorious chapter in
the history of the Brazilian workers’ movement. For several years
factories such as Cipla, Interfibra and Flaskô were run under workers’
control and management. They proved that workers are perfectly capable
of running industry without the need for bosses.
The workers elected factory councils to run the plants and also
co-ordinated among themselves. They also linked up internationally with
occupied factories in countries like Argentina, Paraguay and Venezuela.
This gave us a glimpse of what an international socialist economy could
be like.
However, individual factories run by workers within a capitalist
economy face enormous difficulties. They can only really be the
springboard towards a generalised struggle for the nationalisation of
all the major industries. The leaders of the movement, who belonged to
the Esquerda Marxista tendency within the PT, have always insisted that
the solution to the problems of these factories is nationalisation under
workers’ control and management. They have consistently and
systematically campaigned for this demand to be implemented by the Lula
government.
However, Lula has always refused to take up such a demand. In the
case of Cipla and Interfibra he did not lift a finger to help. Instead
heavy armed police interventions put an end to the occupations, and the
leaders are still facing numerous criminal charges.
The workers of Flaskô are holding out in extremely difficult
conditions. It is clear that the bosses and the government are
attempting to strangle the factory and see the end of workers’
management.
After years of pleading with the government, and getting no
serious reply, Lula suddenly took up the issue, answering the question
of a young student in the pages of Brazil’s newspapers. He claims that
nationalisation of Flaskô would mean socialising losses. Pedro Santinho,
the Coordinator of the Factory Council of Flaskô, answers fully all the
point raised by Lula and lays stress on the fact that his government
had no qualms about using massive amount of public money to save banks
and other private firms in difficulty. When it comes to saving the
bosses, losses can be socialised, but when it comes to saving workers’
jobs they cannot! (Fred Weston)
March on Brasilia in 2007On
January 12, 2010 President Luis Inacio Lula da Silva replied publicly
in his weekly column "The President replies”, to a question
from a journalism student (Camila Delmondes Dias) on the struggle of the
workers at the occupied factory of Flaskô.
Faced with the response given (which can be read here)
we believe it is extremely important that the workers' committee
running Flaskô under workers’ control should reply to Lula and the
points raised by him before the entire working class. First of all, it
is worth noting that since 12 June 2003 when we occupied the factory and
resumed production to protect our jobs, we have been waiting for a
response from the President. During these almost seven years we have
never stopped fighting to keep Flaskô open under workers’ control and
have always demanded of the federal government the following:
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We have organised seven convoys to Brasilia to call on the president
to defend the right to work of the workers of Flaskô, but so far we have
received no response.
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We have visited several times in recent years, especially in 2009,
the Ministry of Labour (with the previous Minister Lupi), the Ministry
of Social Security, the Ministry of Finance, the BNDES [Brazilian
Development Bank], the Civil Cabinet, the Ministry of Institutional
Relations, the Attorney to the National Treasury, the Chairman of the
INSS [National Institute for Social Security], the National Secretariat
for Solidarity Economy (SENAES), but the requests of the workers were
not met.
-
In 2009, we conducted a hearing in the House of Deputies in Brasilia,
in which Paul Singer (President of SENAES), representing the federal
government and with the presence of several MPs and more than 200
workers, said he did not know what to do about Flaskô, but that the
government was committed to the struggle of workers for jobs.
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Each time we went to Brasilia, in each of the scheduled meetings, we
formally filed requests for help, clarifications, explanations,
proposals, etc. But so far nothing has been done.
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With the testimony of a delegation of 100 workers on November 10,
2009 we filed, again, a letter requesting a meeting with President Lula
to seek a solution for Flaskô.
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We tried to get a meeting with the Presidency, and although more than
seven thousand postcards, with a written request from workers all over
Brazil for a meeting to be arranged, had been sent by the end of 2009,
again there was no answer. We were informed that the responsibility for
this question was of the Ministry of Labour and that we should approach
this body. That is, the most that the federal government was prepared to
do was to pass the buck to the Ministry of Labour (and we did approach
said Ministry, together with the support of the CUT, Central Workers
Union Confederation). This bureaucratic response given on November 22,
by fax, demonstrates that our letter was not even read, as we had
already said a week earlier that we had met with the Ministry of Labour
and SENAES (and furthermore we had met one of their representatives at
the Flaskô plant, as well as at the hearing mentioned above), and they
had said they did not know what to do, but that they agreed to set in
motion some procedures. Finally, they promised to go back to "square
one" with this "playing to and fro”, leaving the workers with no firm
commitment.
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Thus, one can see that we had not received any official response from
the President, until we had the surprise public response in his weekly
column ("The President Responds"), and which is published in more than
175 newspapers throughout the country, as well as on the government’s
own Planalto do Governo website.
Production line at FlaskôThus,
the words of the President about the Flaskô workers, which had been
widely publicized, were brought to our attention, but not in the form
and content that we had asked. Let us look at what is being said.
The student Camila asked the President a straight question of whether
it is possible that the nationalisation of factories can save jobs. She
says:
“There are many workers who are struggling for the nationalization of
factories that have gone bankrupt. This applies to the workers of
Flaskô, in Sumaré/SP. Is such a victory possible in our country?”
First it is necessary to give some historical and factual details to
start this discussion.
We occupied Flaskô on June 12, 2003, after a meeting with the workers
of Cipla and Interfibra who had occupied these factories in October
2002 in Joinville, and having returned from Brasilia after meeting the
day before with the President himself. The aim of the factory occupation
and the meeting was to save our jobs, since three months earlier the
factory had been abandoned by the owners, who had left the factory
inoperational and after more than four years with the workers receiving
no entitlements such as wages, retirement fund and Social Security. The
meeting ended with the President's commitment to finding a solution that
would save all the jobs in the occupied factories. The President said
that nationalisation was not "on the menu”, but that a committee of the
Ministry would be set up to review the situation and find a way out.
We organized and kept up production while awaiting the response of
our President. Again and again we only received written
acknowledgements. We organised convoys to Brasilia to find a solution,
and further to that we launched an important initiative that led us to
the conclusion that we had to defend all jobs, rights and industrial
plants that were still under attack. Hopeful that our worker President
would change the course of our history of 500 years of oppression and
exploitation, we kept up production and the struggle for our jobs.
In February 2005, in a meeting with the Minister Luiz Dulci, a
committee of experts was set up from BNDES, the BRDE bank and BADESC
[Development Agency of the State of Santa Caterina] to study the
viability of these factories. The report sent to the President states
that "the factories are viable" and suggests that "their debts be
transformed into shares, which would be transformed into capital of
BNDES and one of the State Development agencies, BRDE or BADESC"
(depending on the opinion of BNDES).
We put the plant into full operation, increasing production and
sales, winning back hundreds of customers and suppliers. More than that,
not only did we protect jobs and create new jobs, we also organized
production in such a way as to reduce the working week to 40 hours
initially, and since April 2007 to 30 hours, showing that workers can
run the factory better than the parasitic bosses. In addition, we came
to an agreement with the Labour Court, where we established that we
would pay 1% of monthly turnover of the factory to pay off labour debts
left by the old management, showing that only workers can help workers,
winning for hundreds of former workers their rights, because the factory
remaining open guarantees revenue and the payment of entitlements that
had been previously lost (the same agreement was sought with the tax
authorities - based on Article 28 of the Law Enforcement Tax -
considering that 80% of the debts of Flaskô are with the State. But, as
we shall see, to this day this has not been accepted t).
In the meantime, we suffered more than 200 threats of confiscation of
the machinery in the plant, to be auctioned to pay off debts left by
the old employers. Always and everywhere, we explained that the old
bosses own more than enough property to pay off the debts. Thus it was
necessary to find this property and allow the Flaskô workers to continue
working as proposed. This can be done through removing the legal status
of the old owners and the granting legal powers to the workers’
management. However, the government has acted to the contrary. If the
auctions and the non-acceptance of the unification of foreclosures were
to prove insufficient, more than 250% of the revenues would have to be
pledged on request of the National Treasury. Therefore, in effect no
measures have ever been adopted to defend jobs. And now, as if this were
not enough, the Lula government is criminalising and blaming us for the
debts incurred by the old private management.
Therefore we ask: how is it that in his reply the President states
that we do not want to forget the "old bankrupt company? How come we
read in the President’s reply that we want to share with the whole of
society all the losses incurred by the mismanagement of the previous
owners? No, that is not our position. On the contrary, everyone knows
that it is government policy that socializes the losses of the bosses
(remember the various measures taken by the government during this
crisis). We have always maintained that unpaid debts are taxes that
serve our people, for health, education, social security, and housing.
We therefore demand that the debt be paid for with the immense property
of the former owners, as provided for by Brazilian law.
What we see here clearly is that the government has taken a clear
stance, because what we have seen in the past seven years have been
attempts to put an end to the experiences of workers' management. The
most aggressive of these was the intervention ordered by the Federal
Court in the Cipla/Interfibra plants in Joinville-SC, at the request of
the INSS and carried out by about 150 heavily armed federal police. This
was an attack on workers’ management, on workers fighting for their
jobs, and they treated us like criminals. What we see is that the
government has chosen to continue threatening us with auctions and
seizure of our income, criminalizing the social movement and its
leaders, blaming the workers’ management for the damage caused by the
old management and by the government’s refusal to act according to the
Federal Constitution. What we ask is in the law, but to date the
government has interpreted the law in the interests of capital,
favouring the former employers at the expense of workers.
Despite these facts, it is worth clarifying another point in the
President's reply, where he says that “the workers demand
nationalization, staying with the old bankrupt company. For me,
nationalisation means sharing out with the whole of society the losses
caused by the mismanagement of the former owners.” It is necessary to
point out some recent facts to clarify who want to share out the losses
caused by the bosses. Let us consider the following and draw some
conclusions:
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Lula authorized the Federal Savings Bank (Caixa Econômica Federal) to
socialize the debt of the Silvio Santos group, buying a 49% stake in
the Banco Panamericano, leaving control in the hands of the old bosses
that had administered during all these years. Is this kind of
nationalisation good? And who for? Or is it indeed an attempt to
socialize the losses?
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Lula authorized the Federal Savings Bank to buy (for R$ 4.2 billion)
50% of the share capital and 49.5% of the voting capital of the Banco
Votorantim, helping thus to save the Votorantim family. And even with
half the capital control was left in the hands of the bosses. This kind
of nationalisation is good for whom? Or, again, is it the people that
have to pay for the damage done by the bosses?
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Lula authorized the BNDES to lend R$ 5 billion to the Globo network,
one of the largest debtors to the Brazilian INSS (Department of Social
Security). Is this not socializing the losses?
-
Lula authorized the BNDES to buy for R$ 2 billion 20% of the shares
of JBS, the largest beef exporting company in the world, this soon after
the announcement of several layoffs and closing of several plants. Is
this not credit for the rich?
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Claiming to equalize tax recovery procedures with the creation of the
Super Receita (Internal Revenue Service), the government revoked an
article from the Social Security Act that prohibited the appropriation
and distribution of profits when a company has debts with the INSS. Is
this not socializing the losses?
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Lula signed Law No. 11,945, on June 4, 2009, which exempts companies
from presenting a Certificate of Good Standing (CND) for loans and
refinancing, that is, to present such a document to the federal banks.
It is certain that private banks will not accept putting their money at
risk, lending money to swindling employers. But the public banks can
lend money to the swindlers of the people. Once again the government
attends to the needs of the bosses.
The list could go on for many pages. Contrary to what the Lula
administration has been claiming, we do not want the workers “to pay the
bill” for the economic crisis caused by the bosses. Our proposals are
very different from those of the government.
Thus, we cannot accept the answer given by Lula, which ignores two
key points. Firstly, it ignores the entire history of the Movement of
Occupied Factories and the resistance of the Flaskô workers that for
seven years have demanded solutions from the government, only to receive
negative responses and attacks from government institutions. On the
other hand, we cannot fail to point out the contradictions of the Lula
government. It is a government elected by the working class, but that
favours the employers as we have shown with the examples above
rather than defend the workers, especially those, such as the Flaskô
workers, who struggle against unemployment and the disgusting behaviour
of the bosses.
It is also worth mentioning that this reply did not appear by chance.
At the end of November 2009 we organised a successful meeting, with
several political, trade union and community representatives, as a
genuine united front, to discuss the urgent need to save the Brazilian
people. We discussed about the fact that the policy of tax exemptions
and the speculative credit booms are only preparing an even bigger
disaster in the future. A true and lasting solution, in the interests of
workers, would be to break with the bosses and take concrete steps to
meet the needs of the workers. Therefore, we endorse the campaigns for
the Nationalisation of the Occupied Factories, re-nationalisation of
Embraer [one of the largest aircraft manufacturers in the world],
re-nationalisation of the railways, re-nationalisation of Vale do Rio
Doce [metals and mining company], 100% nationalisation of Petrobras and
the entire Pré-Sal oil fields. This is the challenge before the
organisations of the working class, and of a government that claims to
defend the exploited.
For all these reasons, we reaffirm our position that only
nationalisation under workers' control can ensure the continuity of
industrial activity and the maintenance of permanent jobs. Therefore, as
we have stated in these past seven years, and as the BNDES report,
drawn up at the request of Lula, states quite clearly, we want to
dialogue with the government and find solutions. However, what we see is
that the government "talk a lot and acts... a lot, but against the
workers", as one Flaskô workers said after reading your answer in the
newspapers.
We know that there is still time to save the struggle of the Flaskô
workers. We want to find a solution to the problems. It is the
government that has always had an intransigent position and has never
given us any real options, apart from using criminal action against the
workers themselves. We want dialogue. In this sense, it is worth
highlighting a part of the reply: "With our offer of technical
assistance and credit, the way will be open for the complete recovery of
the company." For years, we have been asking for such help. The last
time we asked for such help the staff by the President refused even to
see us, despite seven years of struggle and the seven thousand postcards
sent at the end of 2009 demanding such a meeting. And now we have this
public statement on the part of the government. Great! If now we have a
reply that states they can provide advice, let us apply it concretely.
Let us apply and discuss these proposals. And therefore, we ask once
again for a meeting with President Lula.
President Lula, you were elected by the workers. Mr President, we
want your help. We are workers and we are fighting for our jobs.
We are fighting for our dignity and the livelihood of our families. We
are fighting to show that workers’ management is more beneficial to the
entire population, which meets a real social need. We are fighting for a
free and egalitarian society, one that is therefore against the logic
of the bosses. And this should start with an amnesty for the leaders
of the occupied factories who have been criminalised and blamed for the
debts accumulated by the bosses; provide us immediately with
technicians and credit; help us to sell our products because our
production is used by several state enterprises and other controlled by
BNDES.
Long live the struggle of the Flaskô workers!
Long live the
resistance of the working class!
Pedro Santinho,
Coordinator of the Factory Council of Flaskô,
Sumaré,
January 22, 2010
Written by In Defence of Marxism
Thursday, 11 March 2010
We call on our readers to urgently send to the Brazilian authorities
resolutions supporting the Flaskô workers, with the following basic
content.
Model Letter
To the Mayor of Sumaré, Chairman of the Municipal Council
We have been following the struggle of the workers to defend jobs at
the Flaskô occupied factory.
We realise that this is an important struggle of the working class
and that it adds to the important struggle for housing of the residents
of the working class neighbourhood in which the factory is situated.
We understand that much still needs to be done to resolve this issue.
That is why we call on you to schedule, as arranged and recorded in the
meeting of 10 February 2010, a meeting of the City Council of Sumaré,
even in the month of April, in order to set in motion a procedure to
find a definitive solution to the situation of the workers and local
residents, and meet their demands.
Therefore, as of now, we express our full support for the struggle of
the Flaskô workers and their proposed Draft Law on the People's
Initiative for the factory and all its surrounding area to be declared
as a public utility, so that it can be expropriated by the competent
authorities in order to save all the Flaskô jobs, guarantee land for the
local residents of this working class neighbourhood and promote the
cultural and sports activities of the factory, keeping Flaskô open to
the community and as an example for working class struggle.
Thank you for understanding the importance of this petition, and
certain of being listened to,
Signature/Name.............................
Organisation, Place/Date
Contact (Tel/email)
To: The Honourable Mayor of Sumaré, Antonio Bachim
Fax:
00 55 (19) 3873-6238
E-mail:
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To Chairman of Sumaré
Council, Geraldo Medeiros
Fax: 00
55 (19) 3873-1454
Email:
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With a copy to Peter Santinho –
Flaskô Workers’ Council
00 55 (19) 3854-7798
E-mail:
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And a copy to
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